通过演讲稿的写作，我们可以对演讲的内容完善好，小伙伴在编写演讲稿的过程中务必要强调强调主题，以下是心得范文网小编精心为您推荐的英语100演讲稿5篇，供大家参考。
英语100演讲稿篇1
dear students,
our way of life is always sunny, blue skies, which in theend the most dazzling ray of sunlight? it was said to be excellent academicperformance, it was said to be given to help others ... ... and i think that ourway of life of the most pilliant sunshine should be reported to belong to thetemple map, help us to grow thanks to everyone. yes, the institute ofthanksgiving is a feeling, the institute of thanksgiving, but also acharacter.
as teachers and our students, the most important gratitude is a school.schools to give us a big growth stage of life: pight and spacious classrooms,new desks and chairs, air-conditioned and well-being, as well as multi-mediafacilities, has provided us with an attractive learning environment. read onebook pight and clean rooms, provides us with knowledge of the marine tour; flatbeautiful big playground, provided us with a good place for the exercise, andpottery room, computer room, dance room, multi-purpose hall, and so on, noschool is not out of devotion to our selfless love!
however, in these beautiful places, often with some notes of discord. readbooks in one room, some students read the book, abandonment, i do not know theoriginal release, there is more tear, using the phenomenon of the book; when thered and green and white artificial big playground to open it selfless empace,and some of the scenes of discord hurt our eyes: a wide range of confetti,colorful tang zhi, and scattered in all corners of the shell seeds, chewing gum,etc. the list goes on of these!
students, please put your hand on his chest ask ourselves: "i do athanksgiving school?
students, let us now work together, with their good health habits to schoolthanksgiving, thanksgiving, so that the flowers on campus and open morebeautiful.
亲爱的同学们:
我们的人生之路总是阳光明媚,晴空万里，到底哪一缕阳光最耀眼?有人说是优异的学习成绩，有人说是给予别人帮助……而我认为在我们的人生路上最灿烂的阳光应该属于知恩图报，感谢帮助我们成长的每一个人。是的，学会感恩，是一种情怀,学会感恩，更是一种情操.
作为教师和学生的我们，最要感恩的就是学校了。学校给我们了一个人生成长的大舞台：宽敞明亮的教室，崭新的桌椅，冷暖空调、以及多媒体设施，为我们提供了一个优美的学习环境。窗明几净的图书阅览一体室，为我们提供了畅游知识的海洋;平坦美丽的大操场，为我们提供了锻炼身体的好去处，还有陶艺室，电脑室、舞蹈室、多功能报告厅等等，无不是学校对我们奉献出的无私的爱!
可是，在这些美丽的地方，却常常有着一些不和谐的音符。在图书阅览一体室，有的同学看完书后，乱扔乱放，不知道放回原处，更有甚者还有撕书、拿书的现象;当红绿相间的人工大操场向我们敞开它无私的怀抱时，又有一些不和谐的景象刺痛了我们的眼睛：各种各样的纸屑，五颜六色的糖纸，还有散落在各个角落的瓜子壳、口香糖等等这些举不胜举!
同学们，请你把手放在自己的胸口扪心自问：“我感恩学校了吗?
同学们，就让我们共同努力吧，用自己良好的卫生习惯来感恩学校，让感恩的花儿在校园内开放的更加美丽。
英语100演讲稿篇2
尊敬的各位领导、老师：
大家下午好！古希腊哲学家苏格拉底曾经说过：“世界上最快乐的事，莫过于为理想而奋斗。”今天我正是为了我的理想而来。我叫xx，原来在xx小学工作，近几年来一直从事小学英语的教学，今年因工作调动，调整到我们xx小学工作，我感到非常的高兴，同时，也非常感谢我们学校领导能给我这样一次展示自我、成就自我的机会。我今天我竞聘的岗位是三、四年级的英语教学。
20xx年我毕业于北华大学外语学院师范英语专业，四年的大学学习让我掌握了扎实的语言功底。作为年轻教师，我从不敢懈怠，坚持利用业余时间学习，提高自身业务水平。通过一年的教学工作，我的教学业务水平得到了很大的提升。今天，我竞聘的是高二年级理科英语教师，之所以竞聘这个岗位，基于以下三点原因：
一、了解并热爱我的学生。
这一届高一学生从入学开始就担任一二班的英语教学工作。在一年的教学实践中，我揣摩着，尝试着，与他们真诚沟通交流着，已经非常熟悉每个学生的性格特点和学习现状，这为教学工作的进一步开展，奠定了坚实的基础。
二、我有扎实的专业知识。
我深知英语学科在学校基本学科教学中的地位和作用，明确英语教师的职小学班主任竞聘责和任务，也明白英语教师所应必备的素质和要求，所以，自工作以来，我始终不忘学习，勤钻研，善思考，多研究，不断丰富提高自己。
三、我有较好的年龄优势。
我正当青春年华，精力旺盛，敬业精神高，能够全身心地投入到自己热爱的教学工作中去。这一点也深受学生喜爱。
为了赶上课改的步伐，我利用课余时间学习了《英语课程标准》，深入了解它的基本理念。其中强调教学要面向全体学生，注重素质教育，特别强调要关注每个学生的情感，激发他们的兴趣，帮助他们建立学习的成就感和自信心。所以在教学中，我始终以学生为中心，发挥他们的主体作用，采用以学生为中心的教学思路，充分考虑学生的现有基础，兴趣爱好，学习风格等差异。让学生体验和积极参与，建构知识，形成积极的态度，促进语言实际运用能力的提高。
以上所述情况，是我竞聘英语教师的优势条件，假如我有幸竞聘上岗，这些优势条件将有助于我更好的开展英语教学工作。
如果我有幸竞聘成功，能担任三四年级英语教师的话，我将从以下方面开展工作。
一是认真贯彻执行党的教育路线、方针、政策和学校的各项决定。
加强学习，积极进取，求真务实，开拓创新，不断提高自己的综合素质、创新能力，用自己的勤奋加智慧，完成好教学任务。使我校的英语教学上一个大的台阶。
二是做一个科研型的教师。
教师的从教之日，正是重新学习之时。新时代要求教师幼儿园班主任竞聘具备的不只是操作技巧，还要有直面新情况、分析新问题、解决新矛盾的本领。进行目标明确、有针对性解决我校的英语教学难题。
三、做一个理念新的教师。
目前，新一轮的基础教育改革早已在我市全面推开，作为新课改的实践者，要在认真学习新课程理念的基础上，结合自己所教的学科，积极探索有效的教学方法。大力改革教学，积极探索实施创新教学模式。把英语知识与学生的生活相结合，为学生创设一个富有生活气息的真实的学习情境，同时注重学生的探究发现，引导学生在学习中学会合作交流，提高学习能力。
四、做一个富有爱心的老师“不爱学生就班主任竞聘报告教不好学生”、“爱学生就要爱每一个学生”。
作为一名教师，要无私地奉献爱，处处播洒爱，使我的学生在爱的激励下，增强自信，勇于创新，不断进取，成长为撑起祖国一片蓝天的栋梁。用质朴的心爱护学生，用诚挚的情感染学生，用精湛的教学艺术熏陶学生，用忘我的工作态度影响学生。
尊敬的各位领导，各位老师，我会珍惜现有的每一个机会，努力工作，发挥出自己的最大能力，以高尚的情操、饱满的热情上好自己的英语课程，享受我的教学乐趣！最后，在以后的教学工作中，我会严于律己，夯实基础，钻研业务，团结协作，虚心向老教师请教，与时俱进，把服务学生服务老师的工作做好，我有信心决心搞好英语教学工作，为东光的明天贡献自己的绵薄之力。
英语100演讲稿篇3
尊敬的各位家长：
大家下午好!
你们的孩子来到这里已经半学期了。今天，我们在这里相聚，目标只有一个，那就是为了孩子们能更好地成长和学习上能取得更大的进步。我先作个自我介绍：我叫黄燕燕，是本班的英语教师。
我的发言分四个部分:汇报班级情况，交流三个问题，几点温馨提示。
一、首先,跟大家汇报一下班级学生现状
1.班级学生现状
我们班总共 名学生，上周我校进行了半期考试。我把半期英语考试的情况简单向各位家长作个汇报。平均分 分，优生 人，优生率 %。排名前十名的有 ;与九月份第一次月考相比，进步较大的学生有 。通过高中半期的学习，大多数学生都具有良好的英语学习习惯。学习积极性较高，能够自觉完成老师布臵的作业，深知英语学科在整个高中课程的重要性。
2.存在问题:
1)早读课容易瞌睡，每天晚上加夜班的同学比较多，导致早上精神状态不好。
2)部分学生的学习方式仍然停留在初中甚至小学阶段，从不自觉主动地去学习(从他们对作业的认识和处理方式上就可以看出来)
3)部分学生抄袭作业，少数学生作业拖拉甚至不交作业
3、分析期中考试成绩
4、正确看待、冷静分析这次考试成绩
二、其次，想跟大家交流四个问题
1.首先和大家交流一个问题：孩子上了高中以后，总有一部分家长很纳闷：我家的孩子在小学能考到八九十分，初中也能考到七八十分，为什么到了高中，成绩不令人满意，甚至有些失望呢?
这个问题的答案首先与各个学习阶段的特点有关：小学阶段以赏识教育为主，要在很小的时候培养学生的自信心，试卷内容大多与课本有关，因此考试分数自然会很高。初中则是以普及教育为主，考试会照顾到大部分学生，因此分数也较高。但是，高中教育，特别是在以高考为最终目标的大背景下，就是以选拔为目的了，所以，考试难度与深度会有很大的提升，得分率自然就会下降，孩子们的考试分数自然会低一些。所以拿初中甚至小学的分数来衡量孩子们高中的学习，是不科学的。
其次，与学生自身的学习方式和学习习惯有关：高中阶段学习科目多而且难，要求学生必须学会自主学习(自觉主动地去学习)，即变“要我学”为“我要学”，再也不能像初中甚至小学那样靠老师和家长盯着学，那样成绩自然会下降。
2.第二个问题，为什么同一个班级的孩子三年后成绩差别那么大?成绩进步大的一定是那些学习习惯和个性好的孩子。孩子为什么会这样，其实因素很多，这不仅仅与学习基础有关，最主要的是与孩子的心态、学习方式及学习习惯密切相关。学生的学习方式及习惯是极其重要的，直接影响和决定学生的成绩。不要到高三时才感慨，现在我们不是不想学，而是在高一、高二时没有养成良好的学习习惯，没能改变自己的学习方式以适应高中的学习，现在只能是心有余而力不足。因此，现在必须努力学习。
在此，我希望家长们要时时关注孩子的学习习惯和个性，也就是情商问题。大量的实例证明了一个人的成功主要取决于情商，其次才是智商，两者的比例大概是7:3。既然知道英语学科举足轻重，就必须爱英语，以十足的干劲学好英语。
3.第二个问题，请家长们正确看待孩子在班级的'考试名次，当孩子名次退步时，原因是多方面的，首先帮助他树立信心，然后一起帮助分析原因，而不要盲目地批评甚至打骂孩子。“望子成龙，望女成凤”是我们共同的心愿，但在高一更应注重孩子学习习惯的培养、学习方式的转变，让孩子快乐的成长进步，严格遵循教育教学规律。
4.有些孩子还没有适应高中的学习，还不知道高中阶段怎么学，希望家长们高度关注。高中学习科目多而难，时间紧，主要靠学生自主和自觉地学习，老师主要是引导和辅导、检查和督促，而不像初中那样盯着你学习。说明学生在学习目的、学习兴趣上还需培养。
订正的习惯，督促学生建立错题集，当堂发现的问题，当堂订正，不拖拉，不滞留，将问题解决在发现之处，从而保证知识点的连接，为建立学科知识体系做保障。这些习惯，会让学生真正的乐学、好学，在成功中追求快乐，在快乐中追求成功!
三、我想对在座的各位家长提出几点温馨提示。
1、温馨提示1
(1)帮助孩子确定适当目标
和孩子一起确定一个他能够达到的目标——家长适度的期望值。
孩子是家长的希望，教育好孩子是老师的希望。父母对孩子期望值的高低直接影响孩子将来所取得成就的大小。期望值一定要有，而且要恰到好处。
期望值过高：孩子拼命按家长的意愿生活、学习，也许父母感到满足，但孩子生活得较为压抑，甚至影响心理健康。尽力后仍达不到家长的要求，双方均失望，可能导致孩子自暴自弃;
期望值过低或没有：家长对尚不自觉的孩子期望值过低或没有，孩子会缺少外在精神支持，认为不重视、无所谓。
适度的期望值：在原有基础上适当拔高，不操之过急，不高不攀，否则可能大家都失望。
(2)帮助孩子增强自信心
(3)关注孩子成绩的变化(即名次的升降)而不是绝对名次
(4)沟通---多倾听孩子的诉说
(5)多和老师尤其是班主任联系，及时了解情况，积极配合班主任和老师做好孩子的思想工作
只有有效的家校联动(沟通与合作)，才能教育好学生。
(6)注重学生学习习惯和学习能力的培养，使学生养成良好的学习习惯
2、温馨提醒2
给家长的几点建议：
每天付出多一些……
多一些问候(在孩子累了的时候)
多一些帮助(在孩子需要的时候)
多一些关心(在孩子软弱的时候)
多一些鼓励(在孩子泄气的时候)
多一些宽容(在孩子犯错的时候)
——家是孩子心中最温暖的地方。
5)教育子女相信自己、相信学校、相信老师。
4、温馨提醒3
1)高一是基础，希望这次考试成绩不理想的学生家长要高度关注，尽快想法提高学生的成绩，到了高二、高三要想提高就很难了，因为一方面学习任务越来越重，另一方面学生的自信心和兴趣应尽早树立(他们中有一部分人的自信心在初中已经受到打击)
2)我的联系方式：
我们所有的努力只有一个目的：让您的孩子在这里成人成才。我们欣喜地看到，在全体师生的共同努力下，学生在进步。我们所做的一切都是为了学生的一切，当然这离不开您的支持和理解，我们有理由相信，在家校良好的沟通合作下，学生会有更大的进步!
我的发言到此结束，谢谢大家!
英语100演讲稿篇4
?winston churchill"s iron curtain speech》
winston churchill presented his sinews of peace, （the iron curtain speech）， at westminster college in fulton, missouri on march 5, 1946 .
president mccluer, ladies and gentlemen, and last, but certainly not least, the president of the united states of america:
i am very glad indeed to come to westminster college this afternoon, and i am complimented that you should give me a degree from an institution whose reputation has been so solidly established. the name westminster somehow or other seems familiar to me. i feel as if i have heard of it before. indeed now that i come to think of it, it was at westminster that i received a very large part of my education in politics, dialectic, rhetoric, and one or two other things. in fact we have both been educated at the same, or similar, or, at any rate, kindred establishments.
it is also an honor, ladies and gentlemen, perhaps almost unique, for a private visitor to be introduced to an academic audience by the president of the united states. amid his heavy burdens, duties, and responsibilities--unsought but not recoiled from--the president has traveled a thousand miles to dignify and magnify our meeting here to-day and to give me an opportunity of addressing this kindred nation, as well as my own countrymen across the ocean, and perhaps some other countries too. the president has told you that it is his wish, as i am sure it is yours, that i should have full liberty to give my true and faithful counsel in these anxious and baffling times. i shall certainly avail myself of this freedom, and feel the more right to do so because any private ambitions i may have cherished in my younger days have been satisfied beyond my wildest dreams. let me however make it clear that i have no official mission or status of any kind, and that i speak only for myself. there is nothing here but what you see.
i can therefore allow my mind, with the experience of a lifetime, to play over the problems which beset us on the morrow of our absolute victory in arms, and to try to make sure with what strength i have that what has gained with so much sacrifice and suffering shall be preserved for the future glory and safety of mankind.
ladies and gentlemen, the united states stands at this time at the pinnacle of world power. it is a solemn moment for the american democracy. for with primacy in power is also joined an awe-inspiring accountability to the future. if you look around you, you must feel not only the sense of duty done but also you must feel anxiety lest you fall below the level of achievement. opportunity is here and now, clear and shining for both our countries. to reject it or ignore it or fritter it away will bring upon us all the long reproaches of the after-time. it is necessary that the constancy of mind, persistency of purpose, and the grand simplicity of decision shall rule and guide the conduct of the english-speaking peoples in peace as they did in war. we must, and i believe we shall, prove ourselves equal to this severe requirement.
president mccluer, when american military men approach some serious situation they are wont to write at the head of their directive the words over-all strategic concept. there is wisdom in this, as it leads to clarity of thought. what then is the over-all strategic concept which we should inscribe to-day? it is nothing less than the safety and welfare, the freedom and progress, of all the homes and families of all the men and women in all the lands. and here i speak particularly of the myriad cottage or apartment homes where the wage-earner strives amid the accidents and difficulties of life to guard his wife and children from privation and bring the family up the fear of the lord, or upon ethical conceptions which often play their potent part.
to give security to these countless homes, they must be shielded form two gaunt marauders, war and tyranny. we al know the frightful disturbance in which the ordinary family is plunged when the curse of war swoops down upon the bread-winner and those for whom he works and contrives. the awful ruin of europe, with all its vanished glories, and of large parts of asia glares us in the eyes. when the designs of wicked men or the aggressive urge of mighty states dissolve over large areas the frame of civilized society, humble folk are confronted with difficulties with which they cannot cope. for them is all distorted, all is broken, all is even ground to pulp.
when i stand here this quiet afternoon i shudder to visualize what is actually happening to millions now and what is going to happen in this period when famine stalks the earth. none can compute what has been called the unestimated sum of human pain. our supreme task and duty is to guard the homes of the common people from the horrors and miseries of another war. we are all agreed on that.
our american military colleagues, after having proclaimed their over-all strategic concept and computed available resources, always proceed to the next step -- namely, the method. here again there is widespread agreement. a world organization has already been erected for the prime purpose of preventing war. uno, the successor of the league of nations, with the decisive addition of the united states and all that that means, is already at work. we must make sure that its work is fruitful, that it is a reality and not a sham, that it is a force for action, and not merely a frothing of words, that it is a true temple of peace in which the shields of many nations can some day be hung up, and not merely a cockpit in a tower of babel. before we cast away the solid assurances of national armaments for self-preservation we must be certain that our temple is built, not upon shifting sands or quagmires, but upon a rock. anyone can see with his eyes open that our path will be difficult and also long, but if we persevere together as we did in the two world wars -- though not, alas, in the interval between them -- i cannot doubt that we shall achieve our common purpose in the end.
i have, however, a definite and practical proposal to make for action. courts and magistrates may be set up but they cannot function without sheriffs and constables. the united nations organization must immediately begin to be equipped with an international armed force. in such a matter we can only go step by step, but we must begin now. i propose that each of the powers and states should be invited to dedicate a certain number of air squadrons to the service of the world organization. these squadrons would be trained and prepared in their own countries, but would move around in rotation from one country to another. they would wear the uniforms of their own countries but with different badges. they would not be required to act against their own nation, but in other respects they would be directed by the world organization. this might be started on a modest scale and it would grow as confidence grew. i wished to see this done after the first world war, and i devoutly trust that it may be done forthwith.
it would nevertheless, ladies and gentlemen, be wrong and imprudent to entrust the secret knowledge or experience of the atomic bomb, which the united states, great britain, and canada now share, to the world organization, while still in its infancy. it would be criminal madness to cast it adrift in this still agitated and un-united world. no one country has slept less well in their beds because this knowledge and the method and the raw materials to apply it, are present largely retained in american hands. i do not believe we should all have slept so soundly had the positions been reversed and some communist or neo-facist state monopolized for the time being these dread agencies. the fear of them alone might easily have been used to enforce totalitarian systems upon the free democratic world, with consequences appalling to human imagination. god has willed that this shall not be and we have at least a breathing space to set our world house in order before this peril has to be encountered: and even then, if no effort is spared, we should still possess so formidable a superiority as to impose effective deterrents upon its employment, or threat of employment, by others. ultimately, when the essential brotherhood of man is truly embodied and expressed in a world organization with all the necessary practical safeguards to make it effective, these powers would naturally be confided to that world organizations.
now i come to the second of the two marauders, to the second danger which threatens the cottage homes, and the ordinary people -- namely, tyranny. we cannot be blind to the fact that the liberties enjoyed by individual citizens throughout the united states and throughout the british empire are not valid in a considerable number of countries, some of which are very powerful. in these states control is enforced upon the common people by various kinds of all-embracing police governments to a degree which is overwhelming and contrary to every principle of democracy. the power of the state is exercised without restraint, either by dictators or by compact oligarchies operating through a privileged party and a political police. it is not our duty at this time when difficulties are so numerous to interfere forcibly in the internal affairs of countries which we have not conquered in war. but we must never cease to proclaim in fearless tones the great principles of freedom and the rights of man which are the joint inheritance of the english-speaking world and which through magna carta, the bill of rights, the habeas corpus, trial by jury, and the english common law find their most famous expression in the american declaration of independence.
all this means that the people of any country have the right, and should have the power by constitutional action, by free unfettered elections, with secret ballot, to choose or change the character or form of government under which they dwell; that freedom of speech and thought should reign; that courts of justice, independent of the executive, unbiased by any party, should administer laws which have received the broad assent of large majorities or are consecrated by time and custom. here are the title deeds of freedom which should lie in every cottage home. here is the message of the british and american peoples to mankind. let us preach what we practice -- let us practice what we preach.
though i have now stated the two great dangers which menace the home of the people, war and tyranny, i have not yet spoken of poverty and privation which are in many cases the prevailing anxiety. but if the dangers of war and tyranny are removed, there is no doubt that science and cooperation can bring in the next few years, certainly in the next few decades, to the world, newly taught in the sharpening school of war, an expansion of material well-being beyond anything that has yet occurred in human experience.
now, at this sad and breathless moment, we are plunged in the hunger and distress which are the aftermath of our stupendous struggle; but this will pass and may pass quickly, and there is no reason except human folly or sub-human crime which should deny to all the nations the inauguration and enjoyment of an age of plenty. i have often used words which i learn fifty years ago from a great irish-american orator, a friend of mine, mr. bourke cockran, there is enough for all. the earth is a generous mother; she will provide in plentiful abundance food for all her children if they will but cultivate her soil in justice and peace. so far i feel that we are in full agreement.
now, while still pursing the method -- the method of realizing our over-all strategic concept, i come to the crux of what i have traveled here to say. neither the sure prevention of war, nor the continuous rise of world organization will be gained without what i have called the fraternal association of the english-speaking peoples. this means a special relationship between the british commonwealth and empire and the united states of america. ladies and gentlemen, this is no time for generality, and i will venture to the precise. fraternal association requires not only the growing friendship and mutual understanding between our two vast but kindred systems of society, but the continuance of the intimate relations between our military advisers, leading to common study of potential dangers, the similarity of weapons and manuals of instructions, and to the interchange of officers and cadets at technical colleges. it should carry with it the continuance of the present facilities for mutual security by the joint use of all naval and air force bases in the possession of either country all over the world. this would perhaps double the mobility of the american navy and air force. it would greatly expand that of the british empire forces and it might well lead, if and as the world calms down, to important financial savings. already we use together a large number of islands; more may well be entrusted to our joint care in the near future.
the united states has already a permanent defense agreement with the dominion of canada, which is so devotedly attached to the british commonwealth and the empire. this agreement is more effective than many of those which have been made under formal alliances. this principle should be extended to all the british commonwealths with full reciprocity. thus, whatever happens, and thus only, shall we be secure ourselves and able to works together for the high and simple causes that are dear to us and bode no ill to any. eventually there may come -- i feel eventually there will come -- the principle of common citizenship, but that we may be content to leave to destiny, whose outstretched arm many of us can already clearly see.
there is however an important question we must ask ourselves. would a special relationship between the united states and the british commonwealth be inconsistent with our over-riding loyalties to the world organization? i reply that, on the contrary, it is probably the only means by which that organization will achieve its full stature and strength. there are already the special united states relations with canada that i have just mentioned, and there are the relations between the united states and the south american republics. we british have also our twenty years treaty of collaboration and mutual assistance with soviet russia. i agree with mr. bevin, the foreign secretary of great britain, that it might well be a fifty years treaty so far as we are concerned. we aim at nothing but mutual assistance and collaboration with russia. the british have an alliance with portugal unbroken since the year 1384, and which produced fruitful results at a critical moment in the recent war. none of these clash with the general interest of a world agreement, or a world organization; on the contrary, they help it. in my father"s house are many mansions. special associations between members of the united nations which have no aggressive point against any other country, which harbor no design incompatible with the charter of the united nations, far from being harmful, are beneficial and, as i believe, indispensable.
i spoke earlier, ladies and gentlemen, of the temple of peace. workmen from all countries must build that temple. if two of the workmen know each other particularly well and are old friends, if their families are intermingled, if they have faith in each other"s purpose, hope in each other"s future and charity towards each other"s shortcomings -- to quote some good words i read here the other day -- why cannot they work together at the common task as friends and partners? why can they not share their tools and thus increase each other"s working powers? indeed they must do so or else the temple may not be built, or, being built, it may collapse, and we should all be proved again unteachable and have to go and try to learn again for a third time in a school of war incomparably more rigorous than that from which we have just been released. the dark ages may return, the stone age may return on the gleaming wings of science, and what might now shower immeasurable material blessings upon mankind, may even bring about its total destruction. beware, i say; time may be short. do not let us take the course of allowing events to drift along until it is too late. if there is to be a fraternal association of the kind of i have described, with all the strength and security which both our countries can derive from it, let us make sure that that great fact is known to the world, and that it plays its part in steadying and stabilizing the foundations of peace. there is the path of wisdom. prevention is better than the cure.
a shadow has fallen upon the scenes so lately light by the allied victory. nobody knows what soviet russia and its communist international organization intends to do in the immediate future, or what are the limits, if any, to their expansive and proselytizing tendencies. i have a b admiration and regard for the valiant russian people and for my wartime comrade, marshall stalin. there is deep sympathy and goodwill in britain -- and i doubt not here also -- towards the peoples of all the russias and a resolve to persevere through many differences and rebuffs in establishing lasting friendships. we understand the russian need to be secure on her western frontiers by the removal of all possibility of german aggression. we welcome russia to her rightful place among the leading nations of the world. we welcome her flag upon the seas. above all, we welcome, or should welcome, constant, frequent and growing contacts between the russian people and our own people on both sides of the atlantic. it is my duty however, for i am sure you would wish me to state the facts as i see them to you. it is my duty to place before you certain facts about the present position in europe.
from stettin in the baltic to trieste in the adriatic an iron curtain has descended across the continent. behind that line lie all the capitals of the ancient states of central and eastern europe. warsaw, berlin, prague, vienna, budapest, belgrade, bucharest and sofia, all these famous cities and the populations around them lie in what i must call the soviet sphere, and all are subject in one form or another, not only to soviet influence but to a very high and, in some cases, increasing measure of control from moscow. athens alone -- greece with its immortal glories -- is free to decide its future at an election under british, american and french observation. the russian-dominated polish government has been encouraged to make enormous and wrongful inroads upon germany, and mass expulsions of millions of germans on a scale grievous and undreamed-of are now taking place. the communist parties, which were very small in all these eastern states of europe, have been raised to pre-eminence and power far beyond their numbers and are seeking everywhere to obtain totalitarian control. police governments are prevailing in nearly every case, and so far, except in czechoslovakia, there is no true democracy.
turkey and persia are both profoundly alarmed and disturbed at the claims which are being made upon them and at the pressure being exerted by the moscow government. an attempt is being made by the russians in berlin to build up a quasi-communist party in their zone of occupied germany by showing special favors to groups of left-wing german leaders. at the end of the fighting last june, the american and british armies withdrew westward, in accordance with an earlier agreement, to a depth at some points of 150 miles upon a front of nearly four hundred miles, in order to allow our russian allies to occupy this vast expanse of territory which the western democracies had conquered.
if no the soviet government tries, by separate action , to build up a pro-communist germany in their areas, this will cause new serious difficulties in the american and british zones, and will give the defeated germans the power of putting themselves up to auction between the soviets and the western democracies. whatever conclusions may be drawn from these facts -- and facts they are -- this is certainly not the liberated europe we fought to build up. nor is it one which contains the essentials of permanent peace.
the safety of the world, ladies and gentlemen, requires a new unity in europe, from which no nation should be permanently outcast. it is from the quarrels of the b parent races in europe that the world wars we have witnessed, or which occurred in former times, have sprung. twice in our own lifetime we have seen the united states, against their wished and their traditions, against arguments, the force of which it is impossible not to comprehend, twice we have seen them drawn by irresistible forces, into these wars in time to secure the victory of the good cause, but only after frightful slaughter and devastation have occurred. twice the united state has had to send several millions of its young men across the atlantic to find the war; but now war can find any nation, wherever it may dwell between dusk and dawn. surely we should work with conscious purpose for a grand pacification of europe, within the structure of the united nations and in accordance with our charter. that i feel opens a course of policy of very great importance.
in front of the iron curtain which lies across europe are other causes for anxiety. in italy the communist party is seriously hampered by having to support the communist-trained marshal tito"s claims to former italian territory at the head of the adriatic. nevertheless the future of italy hangs in the balance. again one cannot imagine a regenerated europe without a b france. all my public life i never last faith in her destiny, even in the darkest hours. i will not lose faith now. however, in a great number of countries, far from the russian frontiers and throughout the world, communist fifth columns are established and work in complete unity and absolute obedience to the directions they receive from the communist center. except in the british commonwealth and in the united states where communism is in its infancy, the communist parties or fifth columns constitute a growing challenge and peril to christian civilization. these are somber facts for anyone to have recite on the morrow a victory gained by so much splendid comradeship in arms and in the cause of freedom and democracy; but we should be most unwise not to face them squarely while time remains.
the outlook is also anxious in the far east and especially in manchuria. the agreement which was made at yalta, to which i was a party, was extremely favorable to soviet russia, but it was made at a time when no one could say that the german war might no extend all through the summer and autumn of 1945 and when the japanese war was expected by the best judges to last for a further 18 months from the end of the german war. in this country you all so well-informed about the far east, and such devoted friends of china, that i do not need to expatiate on the situation there.
i have, however, felt bound to portray the shadow which, alike in the west and in the east, falls upon the world. i was a minister at the time of the versailles treaty and a close friend of mr. lloyd-george, who was the head of the british delegation at versailles. i did not myself agree with many things that were done, but i have a very b impression in my mind of that situation, and i find it painful to contrast it with that which prevails now. in those days there were high hopes and unbounded confidence that the wars were over and that the league of nations would become all-powerful. i do not see or feel that same confidence or event he same hopes in the haggard world at the present time.
on the other hand, ladies and gentlemen, i repulse the idea that a new war is inevitable; still more that it is imminent. it is because i am sure that our fortunes are still in our own hands and that we hold the power to save the future, that i feel the duty to speak out now that i have the occasion and the opportunity to do so. i do not believe that soviet russia desires war. what they desire is the fruits of war and the indefinite expansion of their power and doctrines. but what we have to consider here today while time remains, is the permanent prevention of war and the establishment of conditions of freedom and democracy as rapidly as possible in all countries. our difficulties and dangers will not be removed by closing our eyes to them. they will not be removed by mere waiting to see what happens; nor will they be removed by a policy of appeasement. what is needed is a settlement, and the longer this is delayed, the more difficult it will be and the greater our dangers will become.
from what i have seen of our russian friends and allies during the war, i am convinced that there is nothing for which they have less respect than for weakness, especially military weakness. for that reason the old doctrine of a balance of power is unsound. we cannot afford, if we can help it, to work on narrow margins, offering temptations to a trial of strength. if the western democracies stand together in strict adherence to the principles will be immense and no one is likely to molest them. if however they become divided of falter in their duty and if these all-important years are allowed to slip away then indeed catastrophe may overwhelm us all.
last time i saw it all coming and i cried aloud to my own fellow-countrymen and to the world, but no one paid any attention. up till the year 1933 or even 1935, germany might have been saved from the awful fate which has overtaken here and we might all have been spared the miseries hitler let loose upon mankind. there never was a war in history easier to prevent by timely action than the one which has just desolated such great areas of the globe. it could have been prevented in my belief without the firing of a single shot, and germany might be powerful, prosperous and honored today; but no one would listen and one by one we were all sucked into the awful whirlpool. we surely, ladies and gentlemen, i put it to you, surely, we must not let it happen again. this can only be achieved by reaching now, in 1946, by reaching a good understanding on all points with russia under the general authority of the united nations organization and by the maintenance of that good understanding through many peaceful years, by the whole strength of the english-speaking world and all its connections. there is the solution which i respectfully offer to you in this address to which i have given the title, the sinews of peace.
let no man underrate the abiding power of the british empire and commonwealth. because you see the 46 millions in our island harassed about their food supply, of which they only grow one half, even in war-time, or because we have difficulty in restarting our industries and export trade after six years of passionate war effort, do not suppose we shall not come through these dark years of privation as we have come through the glorious years of agony. do not suppose that half a century from now you will not see 70 or 80 millions of britons spread about the world united in defense of our traditions, and our way of life, and of the world causes which you and we espouse. if the population of the english-speaking commonwealths be added to that of the united states with all that such co-operation implies in the air, on the sea, all over the globe and in science and in industry, and in moral force, there will be no quivering, precarious balance of power to offer its temptation to ambition or adventure. on the contrary there will be an overwhelming assurance of security. if we adhere faithfully to the charter of the united nations and walk forward in sedate and sober strength seeking no one"s land or treasure, seeking to lay no arbitrary control upon the thoughts of men; if all british moral and material forces and convictions are joined with your own in fraternal association, the highroads of the future will be clear, not only for our time, but for a century to come.
英语100演讲稿篇5
all summer long they waited for the harvests with great anxiety，knowing that their lives and the future existence of the colony depended on the coming harvest. finally the fields produced a yield rich beyond expectations and therefore it was decided that a day of thanksgiving to the lord be fixed years later, president of the united states proclaimed the fourth thursday of november as thanksgiving day every year the celebration of thanksgiving day has been observed on that date until today
